Edward Montague was a man with a problem...

Edward Montague was at the intersection of considerable history. He was the representative of Virginia officially charged with dealing with the British government on behalf of the colonists during the decade containing the crisis that led to the American Revolution. At least one historian calls this period the `first phase of the American Revolution'. One of Edward Montague's close `co-workers' was Benjamin Franklin, who I believe represented (not necessarily at the same time) Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Georgia.

(When quoting, I leave the name spelling unchanged. Most historians seem to use the `e' spelling. Edward apparently used the `e' spelling).

The first British empire ended somewhere in the penumbra of the American revolution, the French revolution, and Napoleonic hegemony over Europe. To a first approximation, one can think of it as the empire of sail, and the second empire as the empire of steam. For a moment around the end of the first empire, sober statesmen such as John Montagu, earl of Sandwich, were seriously considering the possibility of the complete defeat of english-speaking civilization in the northern hemisphere. The possibility existed that the American revolution would reverse the results associated with the French and Indian war, in Britain considered a theatre of the Great War for the Empire. Although Britian had won the war for the Empire, it had been very costly, and the British tax burden had become the highest in its history (the American revolution became an international war. France entered in 1778, Spain in 1779, and the Netherlands in 1780. The French fleet and financing played a key role in the British defeat.)

At first this section might seem to contain a lot of boring talk about... um... money. Perhaps it helps to think of money as a world-wide distributed parallel fault-tolerant self-organizing database computer and information management system built around a physical analog computer... kind of a world-wide abacus... but I digress.

In the first empire, each colony was represented in London by its agent. The agents reported to a Committee of Correspondence in the colonial government of the colony. It usually reflected the interests of the local Council (the administration) in the colony. In the case of Virginia, the Assembly (the popularly elected body) appointed Edward Montague Virginia agent. He was the official lawyer, lobbyist, and politician `soliciting' for the Virginia Assembly in London. He solicited at all levels of government and industry.

He faced innumerable problems, but it appears he did his honorable best, and personally participated in an almost frightening amount of the politics and debate that led to the revolution. He was `just a lawyer', had no fancy title (he was a Member of Parliament), and was a British citizen, so it doesn't appear that anyone has ever seen fit to tell his story...

"What influence could the American colonies, lacking representation in Parliament, have on decisions made ... by the British executive and legislature? The official representative of each colony was its agent... The total number rose to eighteen during the Stamp Act Crisis. An agent was usually responsible to the Committee of Correspondence appointed by his colony's Assembly. ... A ... weakness of the system was the reluctance of colonial assemblies to spend enough money on their agencies... Some agents were colonists... (such as, ed.) Benjamin Franklin... A few were lawyers, like ... Edward Montagu, agent for Virginia; ...

The chief function of an agent was to put the views and interests of his colony to the King's government... Their role in practice was often that of petitioners at ... the Treasury and the Board of Trade. The lobbying of ministers and officials was essential for such objectives as the success of colonial petitions and the passage of desired legislation. ... agents naturally worked together on ... subjects of common interest, and they had learned the habit of co-operation over the reimbursement of colonial war expenses... In the next few years the collective role of the agents was to become a political factor of considerable significance... they often obtained the assistance of merchants, manufacturers, and others interested in the economic welfare of the colonies..." (Thomas)

The agents, reflecting their economic `matchmaker' role, ended up working on behalf of the colonists:

"The qualities required were influence, ability, knowledge of colonial conditions and sympathy with their aspirations; legal training was also valued because of the importance of boundary disputes. ... By the eve of the Revolution ... most agents were working in the interests of the Popular Assemblies against the Executives." (Donoughue)

Not all colonial agents were against Crown policy, and this led to two agents for Virginia during 1768-1772, one being Edward Montague, representing the Assembly, and the other James Abercromby, representing the Council. Grenville was the British Prime Minister trying to get the colonies to increase taxes to pay for an expanded defense and military build-up in North America.

"James Abercromby, who represented the Virginia Council, spoke and voted for Grenville's policy on America." (Thomas)

Financing does not seem to be given much prominence in popular history of the revolution, but seems to have quite occupied Edward Montague. Besides financing the military build-up to deal with the territories newly acquired as a result of the successful conclusion of the French and Indian war, there was another serious financial time-bomb brewing:

"... another colonial problem, (was, ed.) the status of colonial paper money as legal tender: colonial legislatures issued paper bills... and they served as local currency. ... The currency of a mere two colonies, Virginia and North Carolina, was suspect... a general regulation ... was thought ... to be preferable to a discriminatory measure... It was this attempt to avoid any apparent unfairness that provoked eventual widespread discontent. The problem centered on the use of depreciated Virginia currency for the payment of colonial debts to British creditors, for there was little direct trade between Britain and North Carolina. ... The problem had a long and complicated history, but as seen through British eyes was relatively simple. It arose not only from the natural indebtedness of an underdeveloped economy needing capital loans but also from the extravagance of the local gentry... Virginia was living beyond its means, and the planters were expecting the British merchants to subsidize their standard of living by accepting repayment of debts in depreciated currency that had been declared legal tender by the Virginia Assembly, many of whose members were themselves debtor planters.

... On 1 February 1763 the Board heard the views on the subject of British merchants and of the two Virginia agents Edward Montagu and James Abercromby, acting respectively for the Assembly and the Council. ... the Board ... adopted the view that ... the attitude of the Virginia Assembly involved both injustice to British merchants and disrespect to the Crown. The agents were informed that Parliament would act if the Assembly did not mend its ways, and that this would mean the abolition of all the existing legal-tender currency in Virginia.

Virginia did nothing, ... After hearing evidence from London merchants and from Montagu, the Board on 8 December approved... that British debts should be paid in sterling. ... The debts owed to Scottish merchants were mainly in colonial currency... they therefore wanted to preserve this currency and enhance its value. Debts due to English merchants were owed in sterling, and their aim was the elimination of legal-tender colonial money as far as possible." (Thomas)

Three years later, paper money seems to have still been a problem. In the following, from Crane's collected letters of Franklin, Benjamin Franklin takes roll of the Agents in a letter to the Pennsylvania Chronicle, June 8 1767. This letter was written on April 11, giving an idea of the communications lag between England and America. According to Crane this letter was widely reprinted:

"We have been very busy about the Paper Money Affair. The Merchants are to wait on Lord Clare with their Opinion in Favour of it in a day or two. After receiving Dr. F's Remarks on the Report of the Board of Trade, they have drawn up a new Representation on the Subject, which they have signed, and Dr. F's Paper is to be given in by itself. Mr. Garth of South Carolina, Mr. Montague for Virginia, Dr. Franklin for Pennsylvania, Mr. Charles for New-York, Mr. Sherwood for Rhode-Island, and Mr. Deberdt for Massachusetts, have attended the Meetings of the Merchants on this Occasion. -- The Strength of the Opposition, the daily Expectations of new Changes in the Ministry, and the present Resentment against America, keep Minds so agitated, that there can be but very little Progress made in American Affairs." (Franklin, in Crane)

(Franklin apparently used the `e'.)

"When George Grenville tightened up the administration... he knew that he was only beginning, that the colonies could and should contribute more to the cost of their defense... he had already began to consider ... a stamp tax, and had assigned two different individuals to prepare drafts... he found neither satisfactory. The men ... simply did not know the details of American judicial procedures well enough to name and describe the documents upon which a tax should be collected. ...

... Grenville was worried, though probably not greatly, about the reaction to a stamp tax both in Parliament and in the colonies. When introducing the resolution... he "hoped that the power and sovereignty of Parliament, over every part of the British dominions, for the purpose of raising or collecting any tax, would never be disputed.

... when introducing it to Parliament he managed to maneuver the colonists into a position where a stamp act would appear to be the result of their own failure to come to the assistance of the mother country in an hour of need." (Morgan and Morgan)

Grenville activated his plan to increase taxes by suggesting that the colonist do it themselves, expecting that they wouldn't:

"The report by Edward Montague, the agent of Virginia, stated even more explicitly ... this alternative (to tax themselves, ed.): "Mr. G-- then suggested that this [his?] great object, being the relief of this kingdom from the burthen which in justice America should bear, it would be as satisfactory to him if the several provinces would among themselves, and in modes best suited to their circumstances, raise a sum adequate to the expense of their defense." (Montague, quoted in Morgan and Morgan)

Morgan and Morgan illustrate the preceding with the following footnote:

Edward Montague, letter of April 11, 1764, and quoted in the Virginia Gazette, Oct 3, 1766:

"Mr. Grenville strongly urg'd not only the power but the right of Parliament to tax the colonys, and hop'd in Gods Name as his Expression was that none would dare dispute their Sovereignty." (Montague)

"... For reasons that will become apparent Grenville was probably certain that the colonies would do nothing. ...

... the Earl of Halifax, Secretary of State for the Southern Department, sent a circular letter to the colonial governors announcing the resolution for a future stamp tax and asking for "a list of all instruments made use of in public transactions, law proceedings, grants, conveyances, securities of land or money within your government, with proper and sufficient descriptions of the same, in order, that if Parliament should think proper to pursue the intention of the aforesaid resolution, they may thereby be enabled to carry it into execution, in the most effective and least burdensome manner." On the basis of the various reports he received Whately drew up a tentative schedule of duties... most were accepted in the bill... In general the American rates were lower than the corresponding English ones. ...

While Thomas Whately was busy preparing the Stamp Act, the colonial agents ... were puzzling over the meaning of the alternative... Grenville had made..." Morgan and Morgan

"... on 15 February (1765, ed.) Rose Fuller presented a petition from Jamaica,, declaring that the inhabitants were not able to pay the tax. ... Conway declared that the petitions did not interfere with Parliament's right to impose taxation. On the contrary, the act of petitioning was an implicit admission of the right. ... debate ended when Rose Fuller withdrew the Jamaica petition; but three more were produced... Sir William Meredith offered one from Virginia agent Edward Montagu, Richard Jackson tendered one from ... Connecticut, and Charles Garth one from ... South Carolina... All asked the House not to pass the Stamp Bill, and those on behalf of Virginia and Connecticut implicitly challenged Parliament's right to tax the colonies. ...

The other debate of the day took place on ... the Virginia petition. Charles Yorke began it with what Horace Walpole described as `a set speech in favour of the bill'. ... Barre called the Stamp Bill `inflammatory and dangerous... hopes to find a new system of liberty in America.'" (Thomas)

It was Edward Montague who sent the Americans news of the passage of the Stamp Act:

"The news of the Stamp Act came in a letter from Edward Montague, the Virginia agent...

It may be that Montague's letter took from early February until late May to reach Virginia, but the news it contained was printed in the Pennsylvania Gazette on April 18, the Maryland Gazette on April 25, and the Georgia Gazette on May 2." Morgan and Morgan

The British Army simply didn't really exist in North America. As troops were brought `in country' and sent out to the frontier and Indian territories, they had to move through the settled areas where there were no Army bases or barracks. (the British Army was historically a small mobile force). The Bill to quarter soldiers was called the Mutiny Bill. It had been active in Scotland for awhile and was renewed every year. The intent was to extend it to North America.

"New York was ... most affected by ... troops. ... The last quartering act ... had expired... the Assembly refused to order the customary supplies of firewood for the local barracks. ...

Halifax directed Ellis (his Secretary at War, ed.) to draft and introduce into Parliament a bill to extend the provisions of the Mutiny Act to America...

George III displayed more political sagacity than his Secretary of State.... he was so concerned about ... billeting soldiers on private houses he at once forwarded the relevant papers to George Grenville... `Lord Halifax appears to disregard the noise that may be made in Parliament by extending the quartering soldiers in private houses in America....'

He (Grenville, ed.) then offered a solution. The same problem of an insufficient supply of barracks ... existed in Scotland, and the annual Mutiny Act therefore had a clause `to quarter the soldiers in Scotland in such houses as they might have been quartered in there at the time of the Union'... a suitably vague clause was inserted...

This wording still left open the possibility of billeting on private houses, and failed to avert the anticipated criticism in Parliament.... it was attacked by several speakers... Diarist James Harris ... laconically noted that they `talked of Magna Carta, dragoons, liberty, etc.' ...

The second reading of the bill had been ... 4 April. On that day Charles Garth presented a petition from Virginia agent Edward Montagu, asking that he might be heard by counsel against those parts of the bill that authorized the billeting of soldiers in private houses. Beckford, Baker, and other members spoke in favour of receiving the petition. George Grenville cited the Scottish practice, not an analogy likely to appeal to an eighteenth-century House of Commons. Thomas Townshend spoke warmly against Scottish precedents, and although the House refused to accept Montagu's petition the second reading of the bill was postponed...

The administration took this step to avoid a Parliamentary storm over the bill. There was a danger that the determined resistance of the colonial agents and of the nascent American lobby in the House would be reinforced by the two opposition factions of Newcastle and Pitt. ...

Foremost among the colonial agents active in the matter was Charles Garth...

Garth was acting in concert with Edward Montagu, and hoped to organize resistance to the measure with `gentleman connected with America'. ...

...

The commons also received petitions from the colonies themselves... On 21 January a petition from Virginia agent Edward Montagu reminded the House that the one of the previous year had been rejected...." (Thomas)

An uproar ensued, both in American and in the British Parliament.

"Pitt had demanded a total repeal of the Stamp Act...

The members (of Parliament, ed.) did not lack for information. In addition to the petitions from English merchants and manufacturers, they heard petitions from Edward Montague, agent for Virginia, and William Knox, agent for Georgia, both carefully phrased so as to avoid any imputation of Parliament's authority and both asking for repeal of the Act.

... The colonies had distinguished between the power to tax and the power to make laws. The latter, they said belonged to Parliament for the whole empire, but the power to tax was the exclusive power of the local representative assembly in each part of the empire. ... Pitt had argued for the colonial position ... "It is my opinion," he said, "that this kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies. At the same time, I assert the authority of this kingdom over the colonies, to be sovereign and supreme, ... Taxation is no part of the governing or legislative power." (Morgan and Morgan)

The Marquis of Rockingham replaced Grenville as Prime Minister. He took the opportunity to repeal the Stamp act, recognizing that it could not be enforced without great cost. However, politics demanding its due, it was repealed in conjunction with passage of the Declaratory Act, which declared that Parliament had power over the colonies `in all cases whatsoever.' The basic financial problem still remained. Townshend, Chancellor of the Exchequer, still faced a really bleak problem, and ended up passing the Townshend duties.

"The two bills were taken up to the House of Lords by a crowd of 150 M.P.s on 5 March, the day after they had passed the Commons. ...

One hundred and thirty-six peers attended the House that day, when petitions from Glasgow merchants and from Virginia agent Edward Montagu were read. After the Declaratory Bill received a formal second reading, a debate took place on the motion to commit the bill, and lasted sufficiently long to cause a postponement of the Repeal Bill...

...

On the next day, 11 March, there took place one of the most important debates of the century in the House of Lords.

...

In addition to his import duties, Townshend may already have been considering an American revenue from ... colonial currency. The movement for repeal of the Currency Act had been building... Since the support of the administration was essential, the only hope was for the British merchants to petition Parliament for repeal. Franklin, Garth, Montagu, Charles, Sherwood, and De Berdt all attended meetings of merchants on the subject, and the agents persuaded them to continue the campaign." (Thomas)

Edward played a bit of a role in instigating the Declaration of Independence. Thomas Jefferson writes (in one big paragraph):

"... I prepared a draught of instructions to be given to the delegates whom we should send to the Congress, which I meant to propose at our meeting. In this I took the ground that, from the beginning, I had thought the only one orthodox or tenable, which was, that the relation between Great Britain and these colonies was exactly the same as that of England and Scotland... and that our emigration from England to this country gave her no more rights over us, than the emigrations of the Danes and Saxons gave to the present authorities of the mother country, over England. ... What was the political relation between us and England? ... I set out for Williamsburg some days before that appointed ... but was taken ill ... I sent on, therefore, to Williamsburg, two copies of my draught, the one under cover to Peyton Randolph ... the chair of the convention... the other to Patrick Henry. Whether Mr. Henry disapproved the ground taken, or was too lazy to read it ( for he was the laziest man in reading I ever knew) I never learned: but he communicated it to nobody. Peyton Randolph informed the convention... It was read generally by the members... they printed it in pamphlet form, under the title of `A Summary View of the Rights of British America.' It found its way to England, was taken up by the opposition, interpolated a little... to make it answer to opposition purposes, and in that form ran rapidly through several editions... I was informed afterwards by Peyton Randolph, that it had procured me the honor of having my name inserted in a long list of proscriptions, enrolled in a bill of attainder commenced in the Houses of Parliament, but suppressed in embryo by the hasty step of events, which warned them to be a little cautious. Montague, agent of the House of Burgesses in England, made extracts from the bill, copied the names, and sent them to Peyton Randolph. The names, I think, were about twenty, ... but I recollect those only of Hancock, the two Adamses, Peyton Randolph himself, and myself. ...

I prepared a draught of the declaration committed to us. ...

On the 15th of May, 1776, the convention of Virginia instructed their delegates in Congress, to propose to that body to declare the colonies independent of Great Britain, and appoint a committee to prepare a declaration of rights and plan of government.

The delegates from Virginia moved, in obedience to instructions from their constituents, that the Congress should declare that these United colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be totally dissolved; that measures should be immediately taken for procuring the assistance of foreign powers, and a Confederation by formed to bind the colonies more closely together." (Jefferson)

I have no idea if Edward was a member of the Hell Fire Club, also known as the Monks of Medmenham. However, Franklin almost certainly was...

Sosin cites the following in a footnote (p. 115):

A letter from Edward Montague to British Secretary of State for America, the earl of Hillsborough, in 1769:

"Since I had the Honor of obeying your last Summons I have given the Occasion of it serious Consideration. By my Instructions, in this very interesting Subject, I am convinced I should incur the Censure of my Constituents, was I to divert the Course of their Complaints And if their humble application should not be received in their several Directions, thro' an officious Interposition on my part, your Lordship may easily guess at the Consequences. Having had the Honor of serving them these ten years with Fidelity, & every Mark of Approbation that my vainest Expectations could suggest, pardon me, my Lord, if I exercise every Precaution not to forfeit their favourable Opinion on this critical Occasion. Your Lordship will therefore excuse me if I submit to your good Judgement the most effectual Mode of communicating their Grievance to both Houses of Parliament." (Montague, quoted in Sosin)

Sources:
British Politics and the Stamp Act Crisis, Thomas.
Agents and Merchants, Sosin.
The Stamp Act Crisis, Morgan and Morgan.
British Politics and the American Revolution, Donoughue.
Benjamin Franklin's Letters to the Press, Crane.
The Life and Selected Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Koch and Peden, eds.

http://www.montaguemillennium.com/familyresearch/am_rev.htm